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AMBIENTUM BIOETHICA BIOLOGIA CHEMIA DIGITALIA DRAMATICA EDUCATIO ARTIS GYMNAST. ENGINEERING EPHEMERIDES EUROPAEA GEOGRAPHIA GEOLOGIA HISTORIA HISTORIA ARTIUM INFORMATICA IURISPRUDENTIA MATHEMATICA MUSICA NEGOTIA OECONOMICA PHILOLOGIA PHILOSOPHIA PHYSICA POLITICA PSYCHOLOGIA-PAEDAGOGIA SOCIOLOGIA THEOLOGIA CATHOLICA THEOLOGIA CATHOLICA LATIN THEOLOGIA GR.-CATH. VARAD THEOLOGIA ORTHODOXA THEOLOGIA REF. TRANSYLVAN
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STUDIA EUROPAEA - Ediţia nr.2-3 din 2005 | |||||||
Articol: |
REGÂNDIREA ORDINII CONSTITUŢIONALE A UE: DE LA CONSTITUŢIONALISM ASCUNS LA O PUTERE CONSTITUTIVĂ? / RETHINKING THE EU''''S CONSTITUTIONAL ORDER: FROM CONSTITUTIONALISM BY STEALTH TO A POUVOIR CONSTITUANT?. Autori: MICHAEL O’NEILL. |
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Rezumat: The crisis over the EU''''s constitutional treaty raises critical questions about the way the Union goes about constitution-making. Despite the decision at the Laeken European Council to broaden the process beyond the narrow and top-down procedure previously monopolised by European Court Justices and the governments of the member states, the failure of the EU''''s political elite to engage the general public with the constitutional process reflects an abiding disconnection within the EU''''s body politic that contributes much to abiding legitimacy and constitutional deficits at the heart of EU politics and governance. The previous reliance on permissive consensus and performance as sources of political legitimacy, and a constitutional order built by judicial stealth and trade-offs between the member states in a cumulate series of treaty revisions, can no longer be a reliable basis for legitimising a transnational governance that must be accountable, transparent and responsive to public concerns if it is to gain the public confidence and support required for dealing with the critical problems and policy challenges brought about by globalisation. Although the EU is not a state, and unlikely ever to become a state, it is a polity whose policy-making involves distributive and redistributive decisions. As such, it does require both regime (procedural) and polity (constitutional) legitimacy rather than merely performance legitimacy in order to ensure effective and publicly accountable governance, a quality that must involve the people, not as passive recipients of modest ''''top-down'''' citizenship rights but as a pouvoir constituant. | |||||||
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